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THE BULLETIN
Fix this textVoL2.—No. 98.—Now Series.
Fix this textSATURDAY, MARCH 28, 1885.
Fix this textFrioe—6d.
Fix this textThe Bulletin.
Fix this textSATURDAY, MARCH 28, 1885.
Fix this textA Foreign Policy.
Fix this textA cobbespondbnt, who is good enough to
Fix this textintimate his approbation of the views which
Fix this textwe have, during the past year or two, enun-
Fix this textciated on political subjects, asks us to indi-
Fix this textcate the policy which would recommend
Fix this textitself to us for adoption by tho British
Fix this textGovernmept with respect to the Soudan
Fix this textcrisis. This is rather a large order, and we
Fix this texthave some diffidence in meeting it, especially
Fix this textas we have a lurking suspicion that the
Fix this textBritish Government may be so far lacking
Fix this textiu respect for our sagacity as to neglect to
Fix this textregulate its policy by our suggestions. How-
Fix this textever, as there must be some benefit derived
Fix this textby our readers from a consideration of a
Fix this textpolicy founded upon definite principles and
Fix this textexplained in a candid spirit, we will endea-
Fix this textvour to meet the wishes of our inquiring
Fix this textfriend. The policy which approves itself to
Fix this textour ideas is delightfully simple. We would
Fix this texthave the Soudan evacuated by the British
Fix this textarmies, and the natives left to settle their
Fix this textdomestic government in the fashion which
Fix this textbest suits themselves, just as the Germans
Fix this textevacuated Paris and left the contending
Fix this textfactions in that capital to “stew in their
Fix this textown gravy,” as Bismarck phrased it. We
Fix this textwill proceed presently to consider the ad-
Fix this textvantages attending such a policy, and the
Fix this textobjections which it involves. But, in fht
Fix this textfirst place, we will make a little digression,
Fix this textand amuse ourselves by a retrospect, show
Fix this texting what might, perhaps—we think, probably
Fix this text—have been the situation as regards tht
Fix this textMahdi and the Soudan at the present time,
Fix this texthad the policy we advocated with respect
Fix this textto Egypt, from the very commencement of
Fix this textthe present troubles, been adopted. Our
Fix this textconstant readers will readily remember that
Fix this textwe advocated with respect to Egypt the
Fix this textsame policy of abstention as we now favour
Fix this textwith respect to the Soudan. We urged the
Fix this textwisdom of permitting the Egyptians to work
Fix this textout their own destiny, and we pleaded that
Fix this textif Arabi could accomplish his revolution
Fix this textand consolidate a national Government!
Fix this texthe should be permitted to do so; and
Fix this textthat all that was requisite in the na-
Fix this texttional interests of Great Britain was that
Fix this textall parties should be given to under-
Fix this textstand that the neutrality and free navi-
Fix this textgation of the Suez Canal must not be
Fix this textmeddled with. This would have been a
Fix this textstipulation not of a nature to rouse a feel-
Fix this texting of insuperable and essential antagonism
Fix this texton the part of the rulers —whoever these
Fix this textmight prove to be—or of the people, of
Fix this textEgypt. And, moreover, it would have been
Fix this texta demand comparatively easy to enforce, if
Fix this textresisted. For all the maritime powers of
Fix this textEurope are interested in preserving the
Fix this textfreedom of passage through, and the neutra-
Fix this textlity of, that important avenue. Not only,
Fix this texttherefore, could Great Brstain, if circum-
Fix this textstances rendered it necessary, have oper-
Fix this textated with her utmost power along the line
Fix this text°f the canal, from both ends, and never
Fix this textmore than a score or so of miles from a base
Fix this text°f supplies, &c., on the Mediterranean and
Fix this textRed Sea coasts, but she might, with reason-
Fix this textable confidence, have counted upon—even
Fix this textsupposing she had not by treaty arranged
Fix this textfor—the co-operation of every one of the
Fix this textCreat Powers of Europe, in so necessary
Fix this textand so useful a duty.
Fix this text* * *
Fix this textBut even that supposition of rupture with
Fix this texte rulers of Egypt seems strained. Sup-
Fix this textposing that Arabi had been permitted to
Fix this textrea ,P the fruits of the bloodless revolution
Fix this text* ich i* e had actually accomplished when
Fix this text6 British upset everything, he would, in
Fix this text10 aature of things, surely have been abun-
Fix this textdantly glad to cultivate friendly relations
Fix this textwith England, so that no fighting at all
Fix this textwould have been necessary. But against
Fix this textthe idea that Arabi should have been left
Fix this textto work out the national revival of the
Fix this textEgyptian people, it has been objected that
Fix this textpart of his programme was to expel from
Fix this textadministrative posts all Europeans, and to
Fix this textrepudiate the debts contracted by the suc-
Fix this textcessive Khedives. And so much weight has
Fix this textbeen allowed to this objection, that to it
Fix this textalone is attributed the circumstance that
Fix this textArabi was not permitted to work out the
Fix this textemancipation of his country. Now, for our
Fix this textown part, wo should have gladly seen the
Fix this textbond-holders lose every farthing, rather
Fix this textthan the enfranchisement of a nation, too
Fix this textlong oppressed and ground down, frustrated.
Fix this textIn connection with this part of the subject,
Fix this textwe were diverted in a grim sort of way by
Fix this textthe singular morality of Mr. Henry Cope-
Fix this textland, when—to the immense surprise and
Fix this textmortification of his well-wishers -he made a
Fix this textJingo oration in the Soudan debate. Mr.
Fix this textCopeland scornfully referred to the com-
Fix this textmon saying that “this Egyptian debt for
Fix this textwhich England is fighting was simply Jewish
Fix this textblood-money.” And, with crushing viva-
Fix this textcity, he informed his opponents that “ there
Fix this textwere hundreds of respectable British fami-
Fix this textlies who had the misfortune to invest their
Fix this textmoney in these bonds.” The inference sug-
Fix this textgested, but not openly stated, was, of course,
Fix this textthat the investments of a respectable Eng-
Fix this textlishman are sacred things, even though, were
Fix this textthey the investments of a Jew, they might
Fix this textdeserve the name of “blood-money.” Mr.
Fix this textCopeland did indeed pick himself up a bit,
Fix this textby demanding, with fine emphasis, whether
Fix this texta British Jew hadn’t the same rights to pro-
Fix this texttection as a Biitish Christian. But even
Fix this textthen he missed the real point, which is cer-
Fix this texttainly not whether a Jew or a Christian
Fix this textshould be preferred, but whether the reco-
Fix this textvery of private blood-money should be made
Fix this texta matter of national concern. We need not,
Fix this textwe think, here dwell upon the aptness of
Fix this textthe term “blood-money,” quoted by Mr.
Fix this textCopeland as commonly applied to Egyptian
Fix this textbonds. Few people have the effrontery to
Fix this textdeny the appropriateness of the name, and
Fix this textthe history of the different Khedive’s bor-
Fix this textrowings, and of the abuses to which the
Fix this textmajor part of. the money was devoted, are
Fix this textwidely and'generally known.
Fix this text• * *
Fix this textTo return, then, to the main subject, we
Fix this textshould have gladly seen the “ blood money ’,
Fix this textbonds repudiated by the nation, as liabili.
Fix this textties personal to the Tyrant whom they had
Fix this textdeposed. There would have been some
Fix this texthumour in pitching out Ismail and Tewfik
Fix this texttogether, for the bondholders to squeeze
Fix this texttheir money out ot the lovely pair. Eng-
Fix this textland didn’t go to war with the United States
Fix this textwhen the Pennsylvanian bonds were, most
Fix this textdishonestly, repudiated; nor with Peru,nqr
Fix this textMexico, under circumstances almost identi-
Fix this textcal with those of Egypt, viz., a revolutioq
Fix this textfollowed by repudiation of the pecuniary
Fix this textobligations of the last Government. There-
Fix this textfore, the respectable British bondholders so
Fix this textfeelingly referred to by Mr. Copeland, had
Fix this textno earthly reason or precedent for suppos-i
Fix this texting that the nation would protect theip
Fix this textspeculation by force of arms.
Fix this text• • o
Fix this textNow, presuming that the Egyptian bond-
Fix this textholders had been left to take their luck,
Fix this textand that the substitution of natives for
Fix this textforeigners in all administrative positions
Fix this texthad been approved—as it reasonably might
Fix this texthave been—there would have been no
Fix this textEgyptian war, no bloodshed at Alexandria,
Fix this textno slaughter at Tel-el-Kebir. There would
Fix this texthave been a national Egyptian Government
Fix this textstrongly founded on the approval of the
Fix this textFellahs, and glad enough to enter upon
Fix this textfriendly relations with such a power as
Fix this textGreat Britain. What the bondholders, Mr.
Fix this textCopeland’s respectable British families—
Fix this textwith the respectable names ot Oppenhei-
Fix this textmer, and Rothschild, and Gosohen, and
Fix this textLazarus, for the most part; and if not
Fix this textthese, purchasers from these—lost, the
Fix this textBritish taxpayer would have saved. For,
Fix this textbefore we are clear of this business, the
Fix this textprobabilities are strong that the British
Fix this textnation will have expended in war a suiq
Fix this textequal to the total amount of the Egyptian
Fix this textdebt. So that, as a matter of fact, it will
Fix this textturn out that it would have been cheaper
Fix this textfor England to pay the bondholders in the
Fix this textfirst instance all their claims, the cash re-,
Fix this textsuits being the same, while the horrible
Fix this textexpenditure of human lives and human
Fix this textagony would have been saved—which, we
Fix this textventure to believe, would be a handsome
Fix this textsaving to humanity.
Fix this text• • •
Fix this textHaving in Egypt a national Government
Fix this textunder a leader strong in the affections of
Fix this textthe people, the Soudan affair, Mahdi and all,
Fix this textwould have been of comparatively little im-
Fix this textportance to Great Britain. In the first
Fix this textplace, the best authorities, among whom we
Fix this textmay instance Mr. Wilfred Blunt, the
Fix this textfriend of Arabi, who has expressed all
Fix this textthrough the trouble just the same opinions
Fix this textas The Bulletin, assert that the cause of
Fix this textthe Mahdi is identical with the cause of
Fix this textArabi. In that case, once Arabi had been
Fix this texteft to consolidate his revolution, the trouble
Fix this textwould have been over, and the Egyptians
Fix this textand Soudanese would have had no further
Fix this textcause of quarrel, their common tyrant and
Fix this textscourge, the Khedive, having been got rid
Fix this textof. But even presuming that the identity
Fix this textof interest as between Arabi and the Mahdi
Fix this textbe imaginary, and that the latter had moved
Fix this textwith his hordes upon the Lower Nile, the
Fix this textsituation would have been immensely sim-
Fix this textplified. In the first place, the Mahdi’s in-
Fix this textfluence would have been minimized, as the
Fix this textwar would not have had the colour of a
Fix this textreligious crusade against infidels as now.
Fix this textFor Soudanese against Egyptian would have
Fix this textbeen Mahommedan against Mahommedan.
Fix this textThen, again, it would have been compara-
Fix this texttively easy to break up the Mahdi on the
Fix this textLower Nile, with the entire Egyptian popu-
Fix this textlation in sympathy with the defenders,
Fix this textwhether these were Egyptian troops only
Fix this textor Egyptian troops side by side with British
Fix this textbrigades. Frequent experiences in India
Fix this textand elsewhere have shown that coloured
Fix this textraces who make but a puisillanmous show
Fix this textwhen fighting against [|European troops,
Fix this textpluck up a spirit, and make capital fighters
Fix this textwhen brigaded with Europeans against a
Fix this textcommon adversary. In the next place,
Fix this textEngland would not have particularly
Fix this textneeded to care whether the Mahdi invasion
Fix this textsucceeded or failed. The blessed bond-
Fix this textholders having been left to take their luck,
Fix this textPRINCE HENRY OP BATTENBERG,
Fix this textIt's easy and takes two shakes of a lamb's tail!
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http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239551862
(1880). The bulletin Retrieved July 28, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239551862
The bulletin Sydney, N.S.W: John Haynes and J.F. Archibald, 1880. Web. 28 July 2025 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239551862>
1880, The bulletin John Haynes and J.F. Archibald, Sydney, N.S.W viewed 28 July 2025 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239551862
{{Citation
|
| title=The bulletin.
| year=1880
| section=105 volumes : illustrations (chiefly coloured), portraits (chiefly coloured) ; 30-40 cm.
| issn=0007-4039
| series=John Ryan Comic Collection (Specific issues).
| issue=Vol. 2 No. 98 (28 Mar 1885)
| location=Sydney, N.S.W
| publisher=John Haynes and J.F. Archibald
| url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239551862
| id=nla.obj-239551862
| access-date=28 July 2025
| via=Trove
}}
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