Fix this text
THE BULLETIN
Fix this textVal. 3.—No. 121—Now Ssrlei.
Fix this textSATURDAY. SEPTEMBER 5, 1885.
Fix this textFrleo—<NU
Fix this textThe Bulletin.
Fix this textSATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1885.
Fix this textA Nominee Council.
Fix this text“Representative Government is merely
Fix this texton its trial,” or something to that purpose.
Fix this textPrince Albert (“ the Good ”) is supposed to
Fix this texthave said more than a generation ago. So
Fix this textfar, the trial has gone in its favour. The
Fix this textchanges in the form of Government that
Fix this texthave occurred since the Prince Consort’s
Fix this textday have all been in the direction of Consti-
Fix this texttutionalism. The popular voice in France,
Fix this textGermany, Italy, and Austro-Hungary has
Fix this textless difficulty in making itself heard and
Fix this textobeyed than it had 30 or 40 years ago. To
Fix this textthe various Australian colonies, too, have
Fix this textbeen given constitutions second to none for
Fix this textfreedom and breadth. If these changes do
Fix this textnot prove the superiority of Democracy to
Fix this textAutocracy, they at least show that the cur-
Fix this textrent of change is setting towards the former
Fix this text—that the belief that popular govern-
Fix this textment is better than personal is a growing
Fix this textone. To live under laws passed by two
Fix this textHouses of Parliament, and not by a com-
Fix this textparatively irresponsible clique, appears to
Fix this textbe the goal to which all progressive states
Fix this textare striving. That two Houses should be
Fix this textgenerally chosen instead of one, merely
Fix this textshows the tendency of men to run in old
Fix this textgrooves. The argument for two is unsound,
Fix this textwhile the working is cumbrous and often
Fix this textunsatisfactory. Taking the British Parlia-
Fix this textment as an example, it is demonstrable that
Fix this textpopular rights and well-being would be
Fix this textmore advanced in England to-day if no Up-
Fix this textper Chamber existed, whose action has
Fix this textnearly always been confined to thwarting the
Fix this textwishes of the great majority of the nation,
Fix this textFor hundreds of years the British people
Fix this texthave won no concession which has not been
Fix this textstubbornly resisted, even to the verge of
Fix this textcivil war, by the House of Lords. How the
Fix this textadvocates of a system which has so fre-
Fix this textquently imperilled the safety of a nation
Fix this textcan still worship at such a shrine, is one of
Fix this textthe curiosities of government. But it is not
Fix this textso much the principle of the bi-cameral
Fix this textsystem we have to consider in this article.
Fix this textIt is with the composition of Upper Houses,
Fix this textparticularly that of New South Wales, we
Fix this textwould deal. This we do in view of the
Fix this textdecision of our Cabinet to add to the legis-
Fix this textlative Council a number of persons whose
Fix this textnames are still unknown to, or have been
Fix this textforgotten by, the public.
Fix this text* * *
Fix this textWith the exception of Great Britain and
Fix this textof Austro-Hungary, the Higher Chambers
Fix this textin all the great states and in most of the
Fix this textsmall ones, are elective. Indeed, in the
Fix this textAustrian Empire, the highest congress of
Fix this textall—the Delegations—is elective, consisting
Fix this textof 120 members, half Austrian, half Hun-
Fix this textgarian. It attends to matters affecting the
Fix this textwhole empire, just as the Washington Con-
Fix this textgress governs the Union without meddling
Fix this textwith the local autonomy of the individual
Fix this textstates. But the two great divisions, Austria
Fix this textproper and Hungary, of which this com-
Fix this textposite country consists, have each two
Fix this textChambers in which the principle of heredity
Fix this texthas as important a place as in the British
Fix this textIslands. In France, Germany, and the United
Fix this textStates, the Senates are wholly elective, while,
Fix this textif we come nearer home, we find the Upper
Fix this textHouse of Victoria constructed on a pattern
Fix this textprecisely similar to that of America, except
Fix this textin the method of election. Assuming then
Fix this textthat the necessity for a second Chamber
Fix this textexists, its composition is the next thing to
Fix this textbe considered. We have the hereditary, th®
Fix this textelective, and the nominee systems from
Fix this textwhich to choose. A fourth, partly elective
Fix this textand partly nominee, finds favour with many,
Fix this textand ip in operation in some colonies. It is
Fix this textnot too much to say that in choosing the
Fix this textnominee system, or having had it chosen
Fix this textfor her, New South Wales has adopted one of
Fix this textthe worst. In absurdity it ties the hereditary
Fix this textplan. It would, of course, be impossible to
Fix this textestablish the latter in a country like this,
Fix this textwhere democracy is so virile. But the re-
Fix this texttention of the nominee method retains
Fix this textnearly all the vices of the hereditary one
Fix this textwitn few of its advantages. In modern
Fix this textBritain, which prides itself on being in the
Fix this textvan of progress, nothing appears so incon-
Fix this textgruous and, indeed, ridiculous, as a pageant
Fix this textof the Lords. To see a number of not over-
Fix this textwise men of all agesj from the stripling fresh
Fix this textfrom school to the old man in his second
Fix this textchildhood, gravely marching, bowing and
Fix this textgesticulating in variegated dresses of an-
Fix this texttique pattern, while their old world mum-
Fix this textmery is punctuated by the unceasing roar
Fix this textof a mighty metropolis, is a sight provoca-
Fix this texttive of sadness and of mirth. In the age of
Fix this textelectricity, the telephone, and the spectrum,
Fix this textwith thousands of sharp-witted students
Fix this textrummaging Nature’s lumber-rooms for
Fix this textfresh facts, and with philosphers laying
Fix this textbare the springs of social, political, and re-
Fix this textligious life, the sight of Monarch, princes,
Fix this textpeers, and bishops in barbaric trappings
Fix this textand “ loud” ribbons brings home to the
Fix this textmind the truth of the statement that men
Fix this textare but children of a larger growth* and,
Fix this texteven in old age. can witn difficulty be per-
Fix this textsuaded to lay aside the toys and rattles that
Fix this textso amused them in infancy. Such a system
Fix this textof ceremonial trumpery could not live in
Fix this textAustralia. Ridicule would kill it. In con-
Fix this textsidering, therefore, the proper Constitution
Fix this textfor a colonial Upper House, the hereditary
Fix this textand ornamental principle may be laid aside.
Fix this textWe are thus thrown back on the elective
Fix this textand tbe nominee methods for choice.
Fix this text• • *
Fix this textTo be of use at all an Upper Chamber
Fix this textshould have some power. If its duties consist
Fix this textmerely in registering the decrees of the
Fix this textother legislative branch, it ceases to have a
Fix this textraison d'etre. A clerk on a moderate salary
Fix this textcould perform this function more satisfac-
Fix this texttorily and with greater expedition. Its
Fix this textsupposed usefulness depends on its power to
Fix this textstay hasty legislation. Take away the
Fix this textpower and you take away the attributed
Fix this textusefulness." But a nominee Chamber, the
Fix this textnumber of whose members can be inde-
Fix this textfinitely increased, possesses no such strength.
Fix this textIf it reject a measure passed by the other
Fix this textChamber, there is nothing but the Gover-
Fix this textnor’s non-acoeptanoe to prevent the Minis-
Fix this texttry from swamping it with fresh mem-
Fix this textbers prepared to vote as they are
Fix this texttold. And should the Governor withhold
Fix this texthis consent he would have to find fresh ad-
Fix this textvisers. If the members of the Council are
Fix this textlimited, the matter is not mended. It is but
Fix this textcomplicated. For now, being appointed for
Fix this textlife or for a term of years, they could bring
Fix this textlegislation to a complete standstill. Sup-
Fix this textpose, for instance, the Legislative Council
Fix this textof New South Wales consisted of 100 mem-
Fix this textbers appointed for life, and that no addition
Fix this textcould be made to the number. The result
Fix this textwould be that every law passed by the As-
Fix this textsembly could be blocked above. All power
Fix this textif not of initiating or altering, at least of
Fix this textstopping legislation, would be in their
Fix this texthands. If, again, the numbers are capable
Fix this textof indefinite expansion, there is but the
Fix this textmere semblance of power left to the Council,
Fix this textbut no reality. Thus a nominee Chamber
Fix this textplaces the country on the horns of an ex-
Fix this textceedingly unpleasant dilemma. Restrict its
Fix this textnumbers, and you make it supreme; ex-
Fix this textpand them, and you put its head upon a
Fix this textpole. This by no means exhausts the objec-
Fix this texttions to the system. There are other and
Fix this textgraver reasons against it. The principle of
Fix this textplacing power in the hands of persons who
Fix this textcannot be called to account for its abuse is
Fix this textwrong in theory, and may become extremely
Fix this textvicious in practice. It is directly antago-
Fix this textnistic to the spirit of the political axiom
Fix this textthat all power springs from the people and
Fix this textmust be returned to them when they de-
Fix this textmand it.
Fix this text* * •
Fix this textAdmitting, then, the expediency of divid-
Fix this texting the legislature into two sections, the
Fix this textquestion of the best means for making those
Fix this textbranches work harmoniously suggests
Fix this textitself. This is accomplished in New South
Fix this textWales by means of a Legislative Council,
Fix this textwhose views, one way or the other, are of
Fix this textlittle interest to the community, as they
Fix this textcan be changed by the infusion of fresh
Fix this textblood. What useful office a Chamber of
Fix this textthis description performs at all, it would be
Fix this textdifficult to say. Let us now turn to Vic-
Fix this texttoria. Some years ago, under an Elective
Fix this textCouncil, society was brought within measur-
Fix this textable distance of the gravest disturbances.
Fix this textSuch could not have occurred in New South
Fix this textWales. Had Mr. Berry been our Premier,
Fix this textno occasion for a reference to broken heads
Fix this textand naming houses would have arisen. The
Fix this textFirst Chamber would have been crammed
Fix this textwith partisans ready to pass any measure
Fix this textthe Chief desired. This may appear to
Fix this textfavour our method, whereas it merely shows
Fix this textthat, with u?, there is no power in the
Fix this textCouncil to stop, for any length optima, an
Fix this textobjectionable measure. If, as we said before,
Fix this textthe bicameral method of government is not
Fix this textto be a mere sham, each chamber must have
Fix this textfunctions, and must have, besides, in the
Fix this textperformance of its funqtions, complete
Fix this textfreedom from interference. With the
Fix this textnominee system, this is impossible. Either
Fix this textthe members are limited when the Upper
Fix this textHouse becomes master of the situation, or
Fix this textelse unlimited, when it practically ceases to
Fix this texthave any voice. In the one case, the Assem-
Fix this textbly is wiped cut-in the other, the Council,
Fix this texthowever bold a front it present, has feet of
Fix this textthe softest clay.
Fix this text* • «
Fix this textTo invest with legislative functions any
Fix this textbody of men, however honorable, while
Fix this textfreeing them from all responsibility for the
Fix this textmanner iu which they use their trust, is a
Fix this textblunder. It is opposed to common-sense
Fix this textAnd, if the power to do harm is taken from
Fix this textthem, the power to do good goes with it
Fix this textFrom a logical standpoint, the system has
Fix this textnot a leg to rest on. From a nominee Cham-
Fix this textber men are excluded who, with an elective
Fix this texthouse, would be some of its ablest members .
Fix this textwhile others have seats who could not com-
Fix this textmand sufficient votes at a popular election
Fix this textto save their deposit-money. We know able
Fix this textand upright men in the Legislative Council
Fix this textof Victoria—men of good report and un-
Fix this textblemished reputation—who in New South
Fix this textWales would never find seats in the higher
Fix this textbranch of the Legislature. With us there
Fix this textare “ honourables ” who in, consequence of
Fix this texttheir innate opposition to change, or of
Fix this textsome of their public or private doings,
Fix this textwould never find a constituency to elect
Fix this textthem. The abuses of an elective system are
Fix this texttrifling compared with those which grow
Fix this textand flourish under a nominee one. So long
Fix this textas Ministers have the power to reward poli-
Fix this texttical hacks or men whose only aim in life is
Fix this textto accumulate wealth, go long will political
Fix this textdodgery and weighty money-bags be re-
Fix this textwarded. II we are to have th© bicameral
Fix this textBUSKIN.
Fix this textIt's easy and takes two shakes of a lamb's tail!
With your Trove account you can:
http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239706222
(1880). The bulletin Retrieved March 16, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239706222
The bulletin Sydney, N.S.W: John Haynes and J.F. Archibald, 1880. Web. 16 March 2025 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239706222>
1880, The bulletin John Haynes and J.F. Archibald, Sydney, N.S.W viewed 16 March 2025 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239706222
{{Citation
|
| title=The bulletin.
| year=1880
| section=105 volumes : illustrations (chiefly coloured), portraits (chiefly coloured) ; 30-40 cm.
| issn=0007-4039
| series=John Ryan Comic Collection (Specific issues).
| issue=Vol. 3 No. 121 (5 Sep 1885)
| location=Sydney, N.S.W
| publisher=John Haynes and J.F. Archibald
| url=http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-239706222
| id=nla.obj-239706222
| access-date=16 March 2025
| via=Trove
}}
Citations are automatically generated and may require some modification to conform to exact standards.
Select the images you want to download, or the whole document.
You can order a copy of this work from Copies Direct.
Copies Direct supplies reproductions of collection material for a fee. This service is offered by the National Library of Australia
Copyright varies by issue and article
Copyright varies with each issue and article. You may have full rights to copy, or may be able to copy only under some circumstances, for example a portion for research or study. Order a copy where circumstances allow or Contact us for further information.
Copyright status may not be correct if data in the record is incomplete or inaccurate. Other access conditions may also apply.
For more information please see: Copyright in library collections.
Copy and paste one of these options to share this book elsewhere.